Monday, 22 February 2016

BLACK HISTORY MONTH: Albert Luthuli 1898 - 1967



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First name: 
Albert
Last name: 
Luthuli
Date of birth: 
1898
Location of birth: 
Near Bulawayo, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe)
Date of death: 
21 July 1967
Location of death: 
Groutville, Natal, South Africa.
Synopsis:
Teacher and ANC President-General
Chief Albert Luthuli, who became Africa’s first Nobel Peace Prize Laureate in 1960, was President-General of the African National Congress (ANC) from December 1952 until his death in 1967. Luthuli was the most widely known and respected African leader of his era. A latecomer to politics, Luthuli was nearly 50 when he assumed the leadership of the ANC. Over the course of his political career his approach became increasingly militant. Yet, there is still no consensus about whether he approved of the ANC’s transition from a peaceful organisation into one committed to armed struggle.
Luthuli was born in 1898 near Bulawayo in a Seventh Day Adventist mission. His father died when he was an infant, and when he was 10 years old his mother sent him to the family's traditional home at Groutville mission station in Natal. Luthuli then lived for a period in the household of his uncle, Martin Luthuli, who was at that time the elected Chief of the Christian Zulus inhabiting Umvoti Mission Reserve around Groutville.
On completing a teaching course at Edendale near Pietermaritzburg, Luthuli took up the running of a small primary school in the Natal uplands. Becoming seriously conscious of his religion for the first time, he was confirmed in the Methodist Church and became a lay preacher. The language of the Bible and Christian principles profoundly affected his political style and beliefs for the rest of his life.
In 1920 he received a government bursary to attend a higher teachers' training course at Adams College, and subsequently joined the training college staff, teaching alongside Z.K. Mathews, who was then the head of Adams College High School. At this stage Adams College was reputed to be one of the best schools in southern and central Africa. Luthuli was offered a scholarship to study at the University College of Fort hare but declined it. He opted to stay as a teacher hoping that the £10 monthly salary would help provide for his aging mother. He appears to have had fond memories of Adams College, once commenting that it “was a world of its own”¦ one in which we were too busy with our profession to pay more than passing attention to what happened elsewhere”.
Despite their almost privileged and insular lifestyles, some students at the College struggled to make ends meet. Anton Lembede, who was to become founder of the ANC Youth League, is known to have worn shabby clothing. The “Amakholwa”, considered the “middle class” of the time, found life difficult. Teachers’ salaries were low and few other professions were open to black people at the time. Luthuli showed empathy with working people’s concerns, joining the Natal Native Teachers Union, and in 1928 was elected its secretary. He accrued valuable political experience by organising boycotts and acting as a negotiator with white authorities.
The American Board Mission’s support of the idea of “muscular Christianity” and the value of a “healthy mind in a healthy body” provided an ideal environment for the meeting of western and indigenous cultures. Football was the school’s most popular sport and as a young faculty member, Luthuli became secretary and supervisor of Adams College Football team, Shooting Stars. By his own admission, Luthuli was not a sport enthusiast, except for an occasional game of tennis.
The American Board Mission had established other football teams, including Ocean Swallows of Umbumbulu (established in the 1880s), Natal Cannons of Inanda (1890s), and Bush Bucks of Ifafa (1902). This institutional support and promotion of sport is consistent with, and lies at the heart of, Victorian England’s rational recreation movement.
Luthuli’s success in popularising sports as a vehicle for good living can be seen in how the idea spread throughout Natal and the Transvaal. Many former Adams students went on to become players and officials in football leagues and clubs in the two provinces. The Witwatersrand District Native Football Association was founded by the “mabalanes”, or Zulu-speaking clerks. Structured along ethnic lines, these clubs were encouraged by mine management, who saw in them the potential “to keep Natives wholesomely amused”. Membership to the clubs not only occupied their leisure time and emphasised their elite status but also promoted an ethos of loyalty to the mine.
Luthuli and the Mabalanes expressed a “profound cultural ambivalence” about their identity, which straddled traditionalist and modern experiences. It was while Luthuli was steeped in this hybrid world of Western values and traces of traditionalist existence that he was called upon to become chief in his ancestral village of Groutville. Initially, he resisted the appeal by village elders to take up the chieftaincy. Succumbing to pressure from the elders of his tribe, Luthuli agreed in 1935 to accept the chieftaincy of Groutville reserve, and returned home to become an administrator of tribal affairs. For 17 years he immersed himself in the local problems of his people, adjudicating and mediating local quarrels, and organising African cane growers to guard their own interests.
In the early years of his chieftaincy, Luthuli became immersed in the struggles of the cane growers in his chiefdom. At this stage the South African Cane Growers Association, established in August 1927, dominated the production and marketing of sugar cane. Various other associations were established to represent the interests of African, Coloured and Indian sugar cane growers. It is possible that Luthuli became involved with African cane growers, defending their interests. During this period in South African history, the process of land dispossession was largely piecemeal, with Africans resisting total expropriation by finding creative ways of securing access to land. However, by the middle of the 1940s, many African growers had been marginalised, and the government had turned on Indian growers.
The Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, 1946 (Act No. 28 of 1946) was a legislative measure adopted by the government in an attempt to reduce Indian growers to wage labour. The ANC, the Transvaal Indian Congress and the Natal Indian Congress resisted the new measure. In what became known as the “three doctors Pact” Dr. AB Xuma, President of the ANC, Dr. GM Naicker, President of the Natal Indian Congress, and Dr. YM Dadoo, President of the Transvaal Indian Congress, signed a joint declaration of cooperation on March 9, 1947 in a bid to mobilise support for a campaign aimed at resisting these measures.
Through minor clashes with white authority Luthuli had his first direct experience with African political predicaments. Travel outside South Africa also widened his perspective during this period; in 1938 he was a delegate at an international missionary conference in India, and in 1948 he spent nine months on a church-sponsored tour of the United States.
At this stage Luthuli was being gradually eased into a political involvement transcending his role as a chief. Sensing that the ANC in Natal was moribund, and aware of the leadership vacuum created by the illness and the death of John L Dube in 1946, Luthuli became actively involved in strengthening the organisation. Beginning his career in national politics, Luthuli defeated Selby Msimang in a by-election for a successor to Dube on the Natives' Representative Council (NRC). Luthuli was returned unopposed to the semi-defunct council in 1948. With the backing of the Natal ANC Youth League and Jordan Ngubane in Inkundla ya Bantu, he advanced another step onto the national stage in early 1951 by narrowly defeating AWG Champion to become the Natal provincial president of the ANC.
His public support for the 1952 Defiance Campaign brought him finally into direct conflict with the South African government, and after refusing to resign from the ANC, he was dismissed from his post as chief in November 1952.
During the Defiance Campaign Luthuli was actively involved in soliciting and recruiting volunteers. He was particularly active on the East Rand where, along with Oliver Tambo, he addressed numerous meetings on different occasions. He made numerous trips to the East Rand during the campaign, visiting Katlehong, Tokoza and Tsakane outside Brakpan. The Defiance Campaign in these townships coincided with numerous popular protests such as bus boycotts, squatter movements and industrial strikes. These interactions brought him into contact with leading trade unionists in the region, and helped raise his profile as a potential national leader.
Albert Luthuli surrounded by Defiance Campaign volunteers in Katlehong on the East Rand. Photo: Daniel Booi Mathang
In response to his removal as chief of Grouville, Luthuli issued "The Road to Freedom is via the Cross", perhaps the most famous statement of his principles a belief in non-violence: a conviction that apartheid degrades all who are party to it, and an optimism that whites would sooner or later be compelled to change heart and accept a shared society. The notoriety gained by his dismissal, his eloquence, his unimpeachable character, and his demonstrated loyalty to the ANC all made Luthuli a natural candidate to succeed ANC President James Moroka, who at his trial during the Defiance Campaign tried to dissociate himself from the other defendants.
At the annual conference of December 1952, Luthuli was elected ANC president-general by a large majority. Bans, imposed in early 1953 and renewed in the following year, prevented him from giving direction in the day-to-day activities of Congress, but as a country-bred "man of the people" combining the most inspiring qualities of Christian and traditional leadership, he became a powerful symbol for an organisation struggling to rally mass support. He was re-elected president-general in 1955 and in 1958. Although bans confined him to his rural home throughout his presidency, he nevertheless was able to write statements and speeches for presentation at ANC conferences, and occasionally circumstances permitted him to attend conferences personally.
In December 1956 he was included in the treason arrests, but was released with 60 others in late 1957 after the pre-trial examination. He was subsequently called as a witness for the defence and was testifying in Pretoria on the day of the Sharpeville shooting in 1960. He enjoyed a period of relative freedom between his release at the end of 1957 and May 1959, when a new ban confined him to the Lower Tugela district for five years.
During this lapse in restrictions, he made a number of highly publicised speeches to whites and mixed audiences, climaxed by a tour of the Western Cape. His polished speeches and balanced appeals for reason in race relations earned him the praise of many whites. Reactions were not all sympathetic. At one meeting in Pretoria he was assaulted and knocked off the platform by a group of young Afrikaners.
Almost from the beginning of his presidency, Luthuli was confronted by critics warning that he was allowing himself to become a tool of the ANC's left wing. Due to the circumstances of his restrictions, he was unable to closely supervise the activities and movements of other ANC leaders, but he was realistically aware of the problems and hardly the naÁ¯ve figure that some critics said he was. His reply was always to defend the right of people of all ideological persuasions to play their part in the struggle for African equality and to support the multiracial Congress Alliance as the foundation of a future integrated society. In ideological terms, he personally expressed a preference for socialism of the type espoused by the British Labour Party.
Until recently, it was widely assumed that Luthuli launched the armed struggle upon his return to South Africa after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. It has since become apparent that he was ambivalent in his support for the transition to armed struggle. According to Scott Couper, it is because of his “domestic and international prominence and impeccable moral character that liberation struggle icons, political parties and politicians justify, in part, their past actions and their contemporary relevance upon a contrived historical memory”. Couper argues that Luthuli did not support the initiation of violence in December 1961 because “his political career proved to be “bound by faith.
Note about names:
Luthuli's surname is very often spelled Luthuli, as it is in his autobiography, which was prepared for publication by non-vernacular-speaking friends. However, Luthuli himself preferred another spelling and signed his name without the 'h'. While noting this, in order to facilitate internet searches, where the more widespread spelling of ‘Luthuli’ is more likely to be used, the spelling in the text above has not adhered to Luthuli’s preference. Mary Benson in her biography notes that Luthuli, although christened Albert John, preferred his Zulu name Mvumbi, which means continuous rain.
- See more at: http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/chief-albert-john-luthuli#sthash.Z8Ac4md1.dpuf

Modise: Left The IPHC With 350 Branches And Over 3 Million Members Southern Africa

Illness claims 'comforter': Leader of IPHC passes away

By Sibongile Mashaba and Veli Nhlapo | Feb 10, 2016 | 

The leader of one of the biggest churches in South Africa, Glayton Modise, has died.

Modise, known to congregants at the International Pentecostal Holiness Church (IPHC) as "Comforter", died yesterday at Mediclinic Morningside, Johannesburg, due to an unknown illness.
His ill-health was confirmed to the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities when church spokesman Oupa Mosalakae, Modise's son Tshepiso and other members appeared last month.
They submitted a letter to the commission, stating that Modise could not honour the summonses because he was sick.
Mosalakae said Modise died at 7.13am.
"His passing comes after a short period of ill-health. His Grace was 76 years old. The service will take place at the IPHC HQ, Silo, on Friday [at] 9am," the statement from the church read.
At the church headquarters in Zuurbekom on the West Rand yesterday, there was a lot of activity with cars driving in and out.
Sources told Sowetan that an urgent meeting was held to discuss the logistics.
Modise, who had two wives Mapoloko and Mamohau, lived in a house in the church yard. He inherited the church from his late father who died in 1998.
The church, which was established by his father Reverend Frederick Modise in Meadowlands, Soweto, in 1962 is better known as Modise Church.
It is known for practising polygamy but when it appeared before the commission, Mosalakae said it was not church policy for people to enter into polygamous marriages.
When asked about the church's succession plan at the hearing last month, Mosalakae said the church was not a family church.
"Even the founder himself said that this was not a family church. Even the current leader is saying that this is not a family church.
"Now, what happens is, the founder anointed him [Glayton]. The current leader is the one to decide who to anoint," explained Mosalakae.
Sowetan could not immediately establish whether Modise had chosen his successor before he died.
The IPHC has 350 branches across the country and beyond the borders, with a membership of 3.1 million.
Modise was embroiled in a battle over the leadership of the church with his brother-in-law, Bobo Bethuel Modise, several years ago.
Bobo later formed his own church, the International Comforters Holiness Church. The clothing and other symbols of the two churches are similar.
Bobo is married to Modise's sister Jacqueline.
mashabas@sowetan.co.za

SOURCE: Sowetan

Friday, 19 February 2016

BLACK HISTORY MONTH: Dr James Moroka 1892 - 1985

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Dr James Sebe Moroka was born on 16 March 1892 in Thaba’Nchu, (Orange Free State). His
great-grandfather was Chief Moroka the 1st of the Barolong.

After completing his schooling, he attended the University of Edinburgh in Scotland, where
he qualified as a medical doctor in 1918. He returned to South Africa, and set up a practice in
Thaba’Nchu. In 1933 Dr Moroka went to Vienna, Austria for post-graduate studies. He returned to
South Africa, after qualifying as a surgeon in 1936.

Dr Moroka’s political career started when he became involved in Black people’s resistance against
the Native Trust & Land (draft) Bills of JBM Hertzog. Moroka participated in the first meeting of the
All African Convention (AAC) that was held in Bloemfontein in December 1935, and he was elected
as treasurer of the AAC in 1936.

JS Moroka’s association with the ANC began in 1942, and in 1943 he became a member of the
Atlantic Charter Committee of the ANC. He rose to prominence, and in 1949, supported by the
Youth League, was elected president-general of the ANC. Defiance of the Nationalist
government’s policies, led to the arrest of 21 leaders (including Moroka) of the ANC under the
Suppression of Communism Act, on 30 July 1952. All accused received a suspended sentence.

According to Nelson Mandela, writing in his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom:

'Dr Moroka was an unlikely choice. He was a member of the All African Convention (AAC), which was dominated by Trotskyist elements at that time. When he agreed to stand against Dr Xuma, the Youth League then enrolled him as a member of the ANC. When first approached, he consistently referred to the ANC as the African National “Council”. He was not very knowledgeable about the ANC, neither was he an experienced activist, but he was respectable, and amenable to our programme. Like Dr Xuma, he was a doctor, and one of the wealthiest black men in South Africa. He had studied at Edinburgh and Vienna. His great-grandfather had been a chief in Orange Free State, and had greeted the Afrikaner Voortrekkers of the nineteenth century with open arms and gifts of land, and then been betrayed. Dr Xuma was defeated and Dr Moroka became president general of the ANC.’

According to Peter Walshe, ‘the radicals of the Transvaal left-wing and the Youth League had acquired a more malleable president, even if he lacked the national stature of Xuma and the latter's capacity for diligent if frustrated attention to the detailed matters of Congress organisation'. Walshe also notes that Moroka's new Executive failed to improve the organisational workings of the ANC, and in the period leading up to the Defiance Campaign the ANC underwent further organisational 'stagnation': its finances were depleted, inadequate provincial reports were submitted, tensions were rife in the Natal and Transvaal branches, and the continued existence of the national headquarters was in jeopardy.

During Moroka’s three-year presidency, the ANC, now dominated by the radicals of the Youth League, became a more militant organisation. Moroka found it challenging to exercise control over the organisation, based as he was at Thaba Nchu, which was far removed from the central political arena of the Witwatersrand. Despite his failures, Moroka did not hesitate to work with other militant organisations such as the Communist Party of South Africa(CPSA) and the South African Indian Congress(SAIC).

However, Moroka’s distance from the centre prompted critics to say he lacked an understanding of Transvaal politics, which led to blunders. Critics described many of his actions as naÁ¯ve and short-sighted, and as contributing to dissension within the ranks of the ANC.

Moroka presided over the ANC in one of its most active and effective phases. The ANC began to consider implementing the Programme of Action, anda Council of Action – including Moroka, Gaur Radebe, Godfrey M Pitje, CS Ramohanoeand Oliver Tambo– was appointed in February 1950, tasked with deciding on methods of protest.

At the ANC Annual Conference in December 1952, James Moroka was defeated by Albert Luthuli.
He died on 10 November 1985.

BLACK HISTORY MONTH: Dr. Alfred Bitini Xuma 1893 - 1962

Biography

Alfred Bitini Xuma

Alfred Xuma
Dr. Alfred Bitini Xuma was born into an aristocratic Xhosa family in the Transkei in 1893. He was educated locally and rose from herd boy, houseboy, horse trainer, teacher, shipping clerk and hotel and train waiter, to one of the country's most influential black thinkers and leaders.
When he had completed his local primary school education Bitini went to the Maritzburg Training Institute to study teaching. He taught at various schools, earning fourteen pounds a term, and as was the custom, gave his entire salary to his father.
Source: The Fifties People of South Africa, compiled and edited by Jurgen Schadeberg, 1987
Bitini read about the opportunities for education through self help in America. In 1913 he sailed for New York, where he entered various institutions and universities. He studied at night while he worked at the Alabama Steel Mills.
After graduating as a Doctor of Medicine, he went to Europe where he specialised in gynaecology and studied further in Glasgow and Edinburgh.
On his return to South Africa in 1927, Dr Xuma opened the surgery in Sophiatown and in 1931 he married Priscilla Mason of Liberia, West Africa. Priscilla died three years later, while giving birth to their second child.
In 1940 he married Madie Beatrice Hall in Cape Town.
After his freelance political activities in the 30s, Dr Xuma was elected president of the ANC in 1940. He set about rebuilding a scattered organisation against great opposition.
Dr Xuma signed a pact with Dr Dadoo of the SA Indian Congress for a united front between Indians and Africans. When more conservative members of the ANC complained that the Indians were "shrewd" and might dominate the ANC., Dr Xuma retorted: "if you cannot meet the next man on an equal footing without fearing him, there is something wrong with you. You are accepting a position of inferiority to him."
He acted as unofficial delegate of the African people at the United Nations in 1946. Although he was responsible for bringing a large element of young people like Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo into the organisation, by 1949 Xuma was found to be too slow and moderate, and was replaced by Dr J.S. Moroka. Dr Alfred Bitini Xuma died at Baragwanath Hospital, Johannesburg, in 1962.

SOURCE: ANC website

BLACK HISTORY MONTH: Josiah Tshangana Gumede 1867 - 1946

1
First name: 
Josiah
Last name: 
Gumede
Date of birth: 
09 October 1867
Location of birth: 
Healdtown Village, Fort Beaufort
Date of death: 
November 1946
Synopsis:
Political activist, founder member of the Natal Native Congress and founder member of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC, now ANC). He was a teacher, politician, businessman and journalist, sometimes incorrectly referred to as 'James' Gu
Josiah Tshangana Gumede was born on 9 October 1867 in Healdtown Village, Fort Beaufort in the Eastern Cape. His father, John Gumede, and his mother were Christians and, according to their grandson Archie Gumede, were only the third Ngwane couple to be married into the Christian (Wesleyan) faith. There is very little known information about Josiah’s mother and his early childhood. Josiah had a younger brother, William, and three or more sisters, two of them named Mina and Joyce. It seems they were all given Christian first names, while Josiah was given his father’s middle-name, Tshangana, in honour of their Zulu ancestry. Josiah Gumede’s ancestry can be traced back to Chief Khondlo.
Khondlo’s son Phakathwayo succeeded him, followed by Vezi, Makhunga and John Tshangana, Josiah’s father. Since not much is known of Josiah’s childhood years, he probably started his elementary schooling at the Healdtown Wesleyan Mission station at Fort Beaufort, where he was exposed to the British education system. The Wesleyan missionaries were leading the way in fighting for gender equality, with policies in place to educate and liberate African females. One of Josiah’s fellow-pupils was Charlotte Makanya, who later became the President of the ANC Womens Congress. Both Josiah and Charlotte came from Fort Beaufort and rose to greater heights as leaders in the ANC and in the politics that shaped South Africa.
On completion of his schooling, Gumede went on to attend what was called the ‘Kaffir Institute’ in Grahamstown, in either 1882 or 1883. During this time, Josiah’s parents and sisters had moved to Queenstown. Run by the Anglican Church, the institute was a sister school to the white St Andrew’s College. Josiah wanted to qualify as a teacher, and gaining admission to the institution was not easy: candidates had to be baptised, literate (in English as well as their native language), and older than 13 years of age. The institution attracted intellectually-inclined Black youth, many of whom later became prominent ANC members, among them Thomas Mapikela and Samuel Masabalala. The curriculum at the institution was was dominated by religious education, although industrial training – such as carpentry, wagon-making, blacksmithing, tailoring, shoemaking and printing – also featured prominently. Gumede’s intellectual development grew at the institute, as did his political consciousness.
Gumede began teaching at Somerset East in the Eastern Cape, where African interest in formal education was growing. He soon took up a new teaching post in Natal while his parents remained at Queenstown, and his interests turned to politics in Zululand. Together with another Wesleyan convert, Martin Luthuli, whom Gumede befriended, the pair acted as indunas (advisors) for the young Dinizulu. While Luthuli was fleeing from creditors in Durban and thus looking for sanctuary, it is not clear why Gumede opted to become involved in the ‘tumultuous almost no-win politics of a ravaged post-civil-war Zululand’.
It is likely that Gumede was committed to the cause of the Zulu royal house, and that he was somewhat ambitious. Dinizulu was heir to the Zulu kingdom, and Luthuli and Gumede must have taken pride in their prestigious appointments.
Zululand was undergoing a period of historical transition. Following the death of Cetshwayo in 1883, the British High Commissioner in South Africa, Garnet Wolseley, divided Zululand into 13 independent chieftainships, each ruled by chiefs he appointed. Wolseley’s chiefs were perceived by many to have little legitimacy, causing tremendous turmoil. A period of civil wars proved disastrous for the political status of the Zulu royal family and the idea of Zulu national unity.
Supporters of the Zulu royal house, the Usuthu, were dealt their heaviest blow by the appointment of two disaffected chiefs of royal lineage, Hamu and Zibhebhu, to rule as chiefs over Zululand’s northern regions. Hamu defected with his followers to the British side during the Anglo-Zulu war. His district included the personal homestead of the Buthelezi leader Mnyamana, who had been Cetshwayo’s principal adviser.To the east of Hamu, Zibhebhu was awarded a district that included the core of the Usuthu, including Cetshwayo’s son Dinizulu.  In May 1884 Dinizulu, with the help of the Transvaal Boers, drove Zibhebhu out of his district.
Having assisted Dinizulu in defeating Zibhebhu in June 1884, the Boers claimed nearly 3 million acres of land in the upper belt of Zululand, stretching to the natural harbour of St. Lucia Bay. This was an exorbitant demand on Dinizulu’s land resources. More than 800 Boers were demanding compensation where only about 100 had assisted in the actual fight.
Gumede with other Usuthu leaders protested the Boers’ demarcation of their so-called ‘New Republic’. They appealed to the British for support but this fell on deaf ears. Dinizulu tried desperately not to lose his head kraal of Ondini (today Ulundi) to the Boers and appointed Gumede to take charge of the tough negotiations with the Boers.
Eventually the British intervened and annexed the territory when they realised that the Boers would have access to St Lucia and a harbour. This resulted in Gumede’s services as Dinizulu’s induna coming to a close.  However, Dinizulu and Gumede’s friendship would last until the former’s death in 1913.
Gumede’s involvement in Zululand politics undoubtedly refined his political philosophy. His entry into Zululand politics at times endangered Gumede’s life as he gained firsthand experience of the reality of the Whites’ coercion and dispossession of the Zulu’s land. He experienced the frustrations and difficulties which confronted the Zulu royal house after the Boer occupation of nearly five-sixths of the Zulu territory. The experience instilled a sense of bitterness towards the Boers, but he also realised how little the British cared about the disintegration of the Zulu polity. Indeed, Britain’s unwillingness to intervene on behalf of the Zulus confirmed their determination to bring an end to the Zulu monarchy. Consequently, Gumede never approved of the British annexation of Zululand, claiming that it had opened up the territory to further White settlement. History has shown that Gumede’s fears were well-founded. The 1890s saw a marked increase in the pressure to open Zululand to White settlement, despite the continued protests and resistance of Zulu spokespersons such as Harriette Colenso and Gumede.
On his return to the Bergville/Klip River Division, Gumede was warmly received by his chief Ncwadi of the Ngwane. Towards the end of the 1880s Gumede accepted a temporary teaching post at the Amanzimtoti Institute (Adams College). At the time of Gumede’s appointment, the college had built up a good reputation with three teachers of high calibre: John Dube, Albert Luthuliand Mavuma Nembula.
An event of significane for Gumede was the visit to Natal of a Black American troupe of Virginia Jubilee Singers in 1890. The group also visited Adams College. Inspired by the group’s performances and international success, Gumede, together with Saul Msane and a group of 12 singers, formed the ‘Zulu Choir’. His involvement in the choir ended Gumede’s teaching career at Adams College. The Zulu Choir became very successful locally, and they embarked on a tour of England. But this did not last as the choir split up after some disappointments. Gumede then returned to South Africa, settling in Rookdale with little, if any, finances.
On 30 June 1894, Gumede married Margareth Rachel Sithole, a teacher by profession and a devoted Wesleyan who also came from the Bergville district.
In 1895, Gumede was employed by his chief Ncwadi as an induna. During this period the chief’s authority over his community was constantly being challenged by David Giles, a European magistrate. Gumede, convinced that Giles’s acts constituted a violation of the Shepstonian principles of African Administration, supported his chief. This led to a bitter struggle between Gumede and Giles.
Ncwadi chose Gumede as his official spokesperson because of his formal schooling and teaching credentials and his involvement in Zulu Politics. This battle revealed his leadership skills and provided Gumede with a lesson in political and legal strategy which he would use again in the future.
Some reports indicate that Gumede also spent a short period working on the gold mines on the Rand, and the Gumede family’s financial prospects appeared to improve. In 1898 and 1899, the first two of Josiah and Margareth’s five daughters, Edith Beatrice and Tabita Sarah, were born.
In 1900 Gumede joined the British military to fight in the war against the Boers. Gumede was one of the first Blacks to be recruited and trained by the Natal Intelligence Department even before the war started in October 1899. He was appointed Headmen over a group of Basotho scouts. Gumede’s hopes that the British victory in the Anglo-Boer war would result in the removal of the oppressive features of White rule in Natal, in particular the Pass Laws, was  short-lived as the British failed to deliver on promises they made.
At this point, Gumede, like many other missionary-educated Africans, were looking for outlets to voice their objections against oppressive new laws, resulting in the establishment of many European-style organisations. In 1888, Gumede aligned himself to the Funamalungelo (demand civil rights) Society headed by John Khumalo, but the organisation failed to develop into a strong political movement. Gumede, Martin Luthuli and other Black leaders in Natal then realised that there was an urgent need for a more effective organisation. With the assistance of Harriette Colenso, the Natal Native Congress (NNC) was officially inaugurated on 8 June 1900. With John Dube and others, Gumede was a founder member of the NNC, and for some time he served as its secretary and vice-president. The main aims of the Congress were to cultivate political awareness amongst Blacks by educating them about their rights under the prevailing system of government and laws, and most importantly, to act as a forum for airing grievances.
In 1905, Gumede took up a position as a land agent with the firm of Thackeray Allison and Albert Hime solicitors, a position he held for the next 14 years.  During this time, Gumede assisted in the investigation of the land claims of two Sotho tribes, namely the Bakhulukwe and Batlokoa in the new Orange River Colony. Gumede played a significant role in their legal struggle and the drawing up of their petitions to the British government in London to regain land taken away from them before the war. Gumede supported Chiefs Lesisa, Moloi, and Lequila, and accompanied them on their deputation to England to petition the British government to support their land claim. Unfortunately, this deputation was not successful. To add to the insult, Gumede was arrested on his return home in May 1907, charged with wrongfully and unlawfully leaving the Colony of Natal without the pass or permit prescribed by one of the laws of the Colony of Natal. Gumede was found guilty and fined 10 pounds for this ‘crime’.
It was particularly apparent that Gumede saw the need to maintain Zulu culture and traditions by supporting the chiefs while at the same time understanding the political and social needs of the emerging kholwa. Many chiefs regarded Gumede as their spokesman and had a high regard for his intellectual abilities. According to Van Diemel, Gumede moved with ease between these two very different worlds.
In 1907, Gumede involved himself in Iliso Lesizwe Esimnyama, an organisation formed by Wesleyan Methodist converts and chiefs from the Dundee and Newcastle areas in Natal. He served as secretary for the organisation during 1908. The aim of Iliso Lesizwe Esimnyama was to unite the Black people of Natal-Zululand and to advance their prosperity.
The publication of the draft constitution of 1909 signalled to Gumede that Africans' interests were being ignored. Although the revised draft of the South Africa Act received the overwhelming approval of Whites, nearly all politically conscious Africans denounced it. Despite all the odds, Gumede was still determined to continue to press the issue that Africans' aspirations be addressed.
Throughout 1909 and 1910, the plight of the two Sotho tribes took up most of Gumede’s time. Unfortunately, following the failure of the African deputation to England in 1909, Iliso had ceased to meet on a regular basis and the organisation soon faded out of existence.
In 1910, Gumede rejoined the Pietermartizburg branch of the NNC. Disappointingly, there was no working relationship between the Pietermaritzburg and Durban branches due to personal differences between Gumede and Dube, who was part of the Durban NNC branch. The two only unified when the South African Native National Congress(SANNC), the precursor of the African National Congress(ANC), was formed in 1912. Dube sought closer co-operation between the branches, realising the need for unity.
In 1912 Gumede became a founder member of the SANNC (renamed the ANC in 1923) and contributed to the drafting of its 1919 constitution. He was also a member of the 1919 SANNC deputation to the Versailles Peace Conference – which was held after World War I (1914-1918) – and the British government. The deputation, however, failed to ensure a better dispensation for South African blacks.
Gumede was appointed to the newly-elected executive council and joined a deputation elected to present their grievances to the Inspector of African Schools in Pietermaritzburg on 15 April 1913. The delegates were against regulations placed on Black school learners and teachers in Natal which came into effect on 1 April 1913.  These regulations placed new restrictions on the age limits of African pupils in the lower classes as well as on the employment of African teachers in the higher classes. Yet again the deputation was unable to persuade the inspector to amend the revised regulations.
Even though the Native Land Act of 1913 signalled the end of any equality for Blacks in the union, Gumede remained optimistic that all was not lost. He believed the Act would strengthen the cause of the two Sotho chiefs to regain their land. Thus, when the call came for a deputation to be sent to England to protest the Bill and appeal for help against it, Gumede strongly opposed the move, believing that it would antagonise the new Parliament and alienate support from the missionaries and more liberal whites. Not surprisingly, the deputation was a failure. Gumede also failed in his attempts to secure the land of the Sotho tribes, deepening his antagonism towards the unsympathetic Union government on the issue of Black land claims.
The Native Administrative Bill of 1917 further deepened this antagonism. Taking a strong stand against it, Gumede understood that the Bill would enhance the powers of the Native Affairs Department.
The victory of the allied forces during World War I brought about renewed hopes in the SANNC that an appeal to the British government would bring about the removal of the colour bar franchise. Gumede supported a proposed deputation to England to petition the Governor General to take their grievances directly to the king. Gumede’s change of heart regarding this deputation – compared to the 1914 deputation – came because he was convinced there was no way of securing any sympathy from the Union government for the plight of Black people.
Before his departure, Gumede was summoned to testify in the trial of David Jones and H Greene, Bolsheviks charged with inciting the public by distributing a pamphlet in favour of Bolshevism. During his testimony, it was clear that Gumede held strong anti-communist sentiments.
Gumede’s visit to England together with Sol Plaatje was full of disappointments. The Colonial office in London received Gumede and Plaatje with much antagonism. Gumede addressed several audiences in England, including many of London’s Black organisations, in order to solicit support for the cause. Gumede and Plaatje presented their grievances to members of the House of Commons in July 1919 in the hope that they would be addressed at their next meeting The pair also addressed various other organisations sympathetic to their cause. One such organisation was the League of Universal Brotherhood led by Dr Charles Garnett. Much of this lobbying turned out to be in vain as the colonial office was sticking to its policy of non-interference in colonial affairs.
Gumede went further by addressing a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury for a meeting to address their grievances. This meeting also turned out to be disappointing as no concrete support was forthcoming. During this visit, Gumede was extremely disappointed to be present at a meeting of The International Brotherhood Congress, held from 13 to 17 September 1919, where Lloyd George praised the ‘noble character’ of General Louis Botha. These views were in direct contrast to those held by the SANNC delegates. Throughout his stay in England, Gumede tried to influence public opinion by means of meetings and newspaper coverage. Gumede also kept his constituency in Natal informed of all the deliberations abroad.
Towards the end of November 1919, the Gumede and Plaatje were finally able to secure a meeting with Prime Minister Lloyd George. An extensive account of African disabilities in South Africa was presented to him but the Prime Minister only promised to communicate with General Smuts to ascertain what could be done to address the grievances of the Black population of South Africa. George was still very reluctant to interfere in the affairs of the colony.
Gumede made another appeal to the Prime Minister by way of a manifesto asking for the franchise for the Black people and for the reinstatement of land to the tribes and chiefs who had lost land to the Boers. But still nothing came of his appeals.
Ironically, Gumede and Plaatje managed to secure the allegiance of two socialist organisations, the Independent Labour Party and the Union of Democratic Control. The pair travelled throughout Scotland trying to rally support and even though most of their meetings were held under the auspices of the two socialist organisations, Gumede remained loyal to the ideas of liberalism.
The next year went by with Gumede still in England, addressing meetings and seeking support for the cause of the SANNC. Gumede felt that returning home would be to accept the failure of his mission.
In January 1921, Gumede had the opportunity to meet with Bankole Bright and other delegates from the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA). The aim of this delegation was to secure a greater share in constitutional government and administration for the African people in the British West African Colonies. Gumede realised that this delegation had a lot in common with the South African cause. Gumede and Plaatje returned to South Africa disillusioned over the lack of official British intervention in South Africa.
Throughout the 1920s members of the Natal Natives' Congress found themselves in conflict with each other. Dube and Gumede disagreed over the former’s attempts to keep the congress as independent as possible from the national ANC. Instead Gumede founded the Natal African Congress, which officially affiliated with the ANC. In 1921 Gumede was appointed as full-time general organiser of the SANNC, with the task of touring the country in search of financial support.
Gumede continued to oppose John Dube and his two sympathisers in the NNC, W Ndlovu and William Bhulose, and the trio were not re-elected to the executive at the annual meeting in April 1924. Gumede was elected as the new president of the NCC, but he was excluded from the annual Native Conference in Pretoria on 27 October 1924. Instead, Dube was invited to Pretoria by the government.
Following the failure of the deputation to the British government in 1919, Africans were forced to concede to the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923, which further curtailed possession of land by Blacks. From 1924 Gumede openly lamented the increase in segregatory measures, and he became more militant as he questioned the Pact government about its racial and class legislation, and its limiting of education and employment opportunities for the Blacks.
Gumede, accompanied by James la Gumaof the Communist Party of South Africa(CPSA), was elected to represent the ANC at the first international conference of the League Against Imperialism in Brussels, Belgium. The pair departed from Johannesburg on 12 January 1927. From Brussels he travelled to the Soviet Union (USSR). Gumede wanted to use this opportunity to address the plight of the Africans, but also to gain first-hand knowledge of Communism in Russia. At the Brussels Conference, Gumede met Communists, left-wing Socialists and radical nationalists, enlarging his political perspective.
After the Brussels Conference, Gumede was invited to Berlin, Germany, by the German Communist Party. On arrival there on 17 February 1927, Gumede was warmly greeted by some 10 000 German Communists. He attended the World congress of the “Friends of the Soviet Union” from 10 to 12 November 1927, in Moscow. The visit coincided with the 10-year celebrations of the Bolshevik revolution. Gumede was becoming more convinced and attracted to communism, and developed a more radical critique of British imperialism. He realised that communism could play a vital role in liberating Africa, and his new ideas helped give birth to the alliance between the ANC and CPSA. The highlight of his visit was his meeting with Joseph Stalin.
On his return to South Africa on 17 February 1928, Gumede was given a hero’s welcome in Cape Town at a combined ANC-CPSA mass meeting held in Waterkant Street. He affirmed their alliance, as both parties had at the top of their agenda ‘African liberation’. Said Gumede:
‘When I left South Africa I was under the impression that in Russia people were not safe. But what I saw there surprised me. I saw a new Jerusalem. I found people happy, contented and prosperous. The Government of Russia is the Government of the working classes. Today in Russia the land belongs to the people.’
Referring to the position of the Church in Russia, Gumede repudiated claims common in South Africa to the effect that the Russian people were opposed to all forms of religion. Gumede praised the USSR as a country where racism was negligible, if at all existent. Contrary to his previous anti-Bolshevist stance, he now pronounced that the white communists in South Africa were the only group who fully supported Blacks in their struggle for equal rights.
Gumede began to support an alliance with communists. Van Diemel puts forth the argument that Gumede’s initial hostility toward communism stemmed from his perception that it threatened Zulu traditions and the status of African property owners, of which he was one. His disappointment with Britain eventually disposed him to reach out to other potential allies, including communists. Finally, having once supported legal means of protest, Gumede began to push for mass action. He was ahead of his time in many ways, both because he realised the futility of constitutional protest and because he recognised the need to build a united front in the struggle against South Africa's system of racial segregation.
The CPSA increasingly turned its attention to Gumede – and to the ANC – after the communists were expelled from the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union(ICU). Besides his pro-communist inclination, Gumede’s support for Afro-American leader Marcus Garvey – who argued for racial separation and the emigration of Afro-Americans to Africa – was apparent in his speeches. It was probably under Gumede’s influence that a resolution to request the United States of America to release Marcus Garvey – who was imprisoned on charges of fraud – was passed during the July 1927 conference of the ANC. The ANC national executive and the Convention of Bantu Chiefs, held under the auspices of the ANC in April 1927, received these pro-communist pronouncements with little enthusiasm. Gumede, however, succeeded in having a proposal which condemned the ties between the CPSA and the ANC withdrawn. Despite ANC criticism of the pro-communist tendencies that often surfaced in Gumede’s public rhetoric at that stage, he was elected as president-general of the ANC during its annual congress in July 1927, succeeding Zaccheus Richard Mahabane.
In 1929 Gumede was elected as chairperson of the South African branch of the League Against Imperialism when it was founded by the CPSA. At the end of that year, when the CPSA launched the League of African Rights, he also became its president.
Gumede’s three-year term as president-general of the ANC was characterised by disputes and dissension – although it did introduce new strains of radical thought into the ANC. It was an unhappy chapter in the history of the organisation. Gumede was accused of being more concerned with communism than the affairs of the Congress and of not improving the already weak financial position of the organisation, rendering him an ineffective administrator. Moreover, antipathy towards Gumede’s association with communism and his alleged neglect in circulating information increased sharply. Objections were also made against the ANC’s affiliation to the Communist-backed League Against Imperialism. This shattered Gumede’s dream of creating a closer union between the two parties.
Matters came to a head when the anti-communist faction of the national executive committee of the ANC took a majority decision to resign en bloc and Thomas Mapikela took over as acting president-general. At the annual ANC conference in April 1930, Gumede lost his position as president general and was succeeded by Pixley ka Seme. Gumede lost his Presidency largely because his alliance with communists had generated so much opposition within the Congress.
The move ended his role as a prominent figure in South African politics, but it did not end Gumede’s passion for politics – he continued as editor of the ANC mouthpiece Abantu Batho, through which he circulated Garvey’s political ideas. Gumede also continued to participate in the activities of the Black trade unions, and in May 1930 he was elected as a delegate to the International Conference of Negro Workers, which was to take place in July 1930 in London – but he was refused a passport to travel to England. He continued to advocate defiance of the Pass Laws and addressed several meetings held by the ICU.
In March 1931, Gumede was called to give evidence before the Native Economic Commission on the condition of Africans in the country. His evidence spurred him on to become more involved with African politics in Natal.
Gumede returned to Pietermaritzburg in 1932 and attempted to introduce a more militant approach in the NNC. In June 1932, it was decided that all future NNC meetings would be held under the auspices of the Natal African Congress (NAC), thereby aligning itself closer to the ANC. Gumede was appointed chairman and Dube was appointed President. At the next meeting, Gumede was elected president of the NAC.
For a short period in 1933, Gumede became involved with the ICU but the relationship soon faded.
Gumede continued his political agitation when Barry Hertzog introduced his notorious African Bills in 1935. In his letters to Black newspapers, Gumede called upon Black people to reject the bills. He attended the All African Convention(AAC) in December 1935, where the call was made to reject the Bills. However, the AAC failed to halt the Bills and during its second congress, members decided to support the Native Representative Council (NRC) in the hope of improving the situation from within. Opposition to the Bills breathed new life into the ANC.
Gumede, although nominated for a seat on the NRC, failed to secure a seat. This by no means signalled the end of the road for Gumede as he continued to assist chiefs in putting their land claims before the Native Affairs Commission.
During 1942, Gumede again tried to secure a nomination to the NRC, but failed. Accepting defeat gracefully, Gumede continued to assist Black workers who were unfairly dismissed from their jobs.
The highlight of Gumede’s career came in December 1943 when he was honoured as Life President of the ANC at the annual meeting of the ANC in Bloemfontein. At this very same meeting, the historic resolution was passed for the formation of the ANC Youth League. Resolutions passed in the October 1946 Congress calling for more militant methods of protest signalled the end to the peaceful and constitutional methods embarked upon thus far. For Gumede this signalled the long-awaited militant path that he hoped the Congress would follow.  Fortunately, he lived to see these resolutions passed just before his death on 6 November 1946.
Throughout his political career, Gumede spoke out against the intolerable policies against Black people. Described as a man seldom angered or harsh in judgement, who accepted criticism as the expression of opinion that people were entitled to, he believed in the power of the pen. His passion to serve his people surpassed his need to gain material wealth.
The legacy of JT Gumede’s willingness to serve his people will remain an important part of South African history.
- See more at: http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/josiah-tshangana-gumede#sthash.Atr71SSL.dpuf

BLACK HISTORY MONTH: Reverend Zaccheus Richard Mahabane 1881 - 1971

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First name: 
Zaccheus
Last name: 
Mahabane
Date of birth: 
15 August 1881
Location of birth: 
Thaba Nchu, Orange Free State (now Free State)
Date of death: 
September 1971
Location of death: 
Kroonstad, Orange Free State
Synopsis:
Teacher, court interpreter, minister and first President-General of the ANC
Richard Mahabane was born in Thaba Nchu, Orange Free State (now Free Stae Province), on 15 August 1881. His parents were Christians and prosperous farmers. After his primary school education in Thaba Nchu he was send to Morija Mission Institute in Basotholand (Lesotho) where he qualified as a teacher in 1901. He soon gave up teaching and became a court interpreter. In 1908 he began theological training at the Lessyton Theological school near Queenstown. He was ordained as a Methodist minister in 1914.
Richard Mahabane was born in Thaba Nchu, Orange Free State (now Free Stae Province), on 15 August 1881. His parents were Christians and prosperous farmers. After his primary school education in Thaba Nchu he was send to Morija Mission Institute in Basotholand (Lesotho) where he qualified as a teacher in 1901. He soon gave up teaching ad became a court interpreter. In 1908 he began theological training at the Lessyton Theological school near Queenstown. He was ordained as a Methodist minister in 1914.
Mahabane's first congregation was at Bensonvale near Herschel. From there he was transferred to Cape Town where he quickly became politically active. In 1919 he was elected as president of the Cape provincial branch of the South African Native National Council (SANNC, African National Congress (ANC) after 1923). He also became vice-president of the Cape Native Voters' Convention. His first term as president-general of the ANC (1924-1927) was a quiet period in the history of the organization.
Mahabane increasingly tried to attain Black unity. With the Coloured leader Dr A. Abdurahman he organised the so-called Non-European Unity Conferences between 1927 and 1934 where Africans, coloureds and Indians discussed their common grievances and ideals.
By the end of the 1920s Mahabane was anxious about the growing black following of the communist ideology and the pro-communist tendencies of his successor as ANC president-general, J.T. Gumede. From 1929 to 1930 he was therefore instrumental in ousting Gumede from his leadership position. Simultaneously Mahabane was closely involved with black resistance to the so-called J.B.M. Hertzog Draft Bills that, amongst others, were considering the removal of the Cape black voters from the common voters' roll. In order to oppose Hertzog's legislation, the All-African Convention (AAC) was formed in 1935, with Mahabane becoming one of the AAC leaders. At its first meeting in December 1935 he was elected to its executive committee and was part of the delegation that conveyed the AAC's grievances and proposals to Hertzog in Cape Town. The resistance was in vain but the AAC continued to exist and Mahabane served as vice-president until 1955.
Mahabane's second term as president-general of the ANC lasted from 1937 until 1940. He was still involved with the ANC after that and as senior chaplain was a member of the committee that had to investigate the revision of the ANC's constitution. In 1943 he was made lifelong honorary president. During the 1940s he became increasingly involved with the AAC that, with Mahabane's assistance and together with certain coloured organisations formed the basically Trotskyite Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) in 1945. Mahabane was its first chairperson and later president until his resignation in 1956. In October 1948 he was the AAC delegate at a meeting with the ANC where a vain attempt was made to end the dissension between the two organisations. He was not a participant in the Defiance Campaign of 1952.
In October 1956 Mahabane attended the National Conference of Black Thinkers in Bloemfontein to discuss the Tomlinson Report (Report of the Commission/or the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas) organised by the Interdenominational African Ministers' Federation (IDAMF). It was one of the most representative rallies of black people since the AAC meetings of the mid-thirties, and it rejected the commission's findings.
During the 1950s Mahabane increasingly applied himself to the problems of Christianity and its place in Africa. He put across his thoughts in this connection at various conferences in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa. He played a prominent role in the development of the Methodist Church in South Africa and helped to draw up the church's constitution and to define the equal status of all in the church. In addition he was one of the first three Africans to acquire an official position at the Methodist Church's conference. At the interchurch level he also held a leading role in the IDAMF. In 1927 and 1937 he attended international missionary conferences in Belgium where African affairs were discussed.
Mahabane was described as a diplomatic, slow-speaking and calm man, who combined politics and Christian ethics to fight racism. He was keen to unite all blacks into one firm and positive political front. Through the ANC he constantly tried to educate Africans about their rights and made frequent representations against the colour bar.
Mahabane lived and worked in Kroonstad for most of his long career. The colour bar in South Africa (Lovedale, 1923) was his only publication. He was married to Harriet Mantoro. The couple had three daughters and two sons.
- See more at: http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/reverend-zaccheus-richard-mahabane#sthash.QysS4Kny.dpuf